New Delhi is increasingly seeking to insert itself as a mediator in the Russia-Ukraine war, driven by a desire to mitigate the conflict's global economic impact and preserve its own strategic autonomy. Despite maintaining strong historical, military, and energy ties with Moscow, India faces significant challenges in influencing the Kremlin’s decisions. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s repeated assertions that this is not a time for war have largely gone unheeded by Russian President Vladimir Putin, and India's influence remains limited to acting as a facilitator rather than a primary peacemaker.
Diplomatic activity intensified on November 9, when Prime Minister Modi held a phone call with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. During the conversation, Modi emphasized India's commitment to contributing to a peaceful resolution. Following the call, Modi posted on X about the productive conversation that reviewed wide-ranging bilateral cooperation. Shortly thereafter, India’s External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar spoke with his Russian counterpart, Sergey Lavrov, regarding the ongoing conflict and diplomatic initiatives. These calls occurred just before U.S.-mediated talks between Russia and Ukraine commenced in Abu Dhabi on November 10, which ultimately ended without a conclusive outcome. The failure of these talks highlights the deep-seated security and strategic conflicts that remain difficult to reconcile.
India’s interest in ending the war is rooted in three primary economic and diplomatic concerns. First, the conflict has been a major driver of global economic instability, affecting energy and food security. As a major importer of crude oil, India has struggled with volatile prices and shifting sanctions. Additionally, disruptions in the supply of fertilizer and edible oils have fueled domestic inflation. With Ukraine being a significant source of vegetable oil, India has seen its imports drop to four-year lows, forcing the country to source supplies from Malaysia and Indonesia. A lasting peace would stabilize energy prices and restore critical shipping lanes.
Second, a diplomatic thaw would allow India to better balance its relationships with both Moscow and Washington. New Delhi has long walked a tightrope, procuring Russian arms and discounted oil while strengthening defense and technology ties with the U.S. Western pressure and tariffs imposed by the Trump administration have complicated this balancing act. Easing tensions would reduce the need for India to provide uncomfortable explanations for its foreign policy choices.
Third, ending the war would clear the way for deeper economic and strategic integration with Europe. While India and the EU have made progress on research and trade agreements—such as the recent association with the Horizon Europe program—the war has diverted European attention and budgets. A settlement would allow Brussels to focus more heavily on trade, investment, and supply chain partnerships with India.
India’s recent diplomatic foray includes a September 3 visit by Jaishankar to Kyiv, where he met with Zelenskyy and held consultations with Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha, marking the first-ever stand-alone bilateral visit by an Indian external affairs minister to Ukraine. Furthermore, in October, India proposed a three-part truce focused on protecting infrastructure, maintaining grain and energy flows, and ending strikes on commercial shipping. Despite these efforts, New Delhi’s limited leverage over Moscow remains a hurdle, underscored by the fact that some of the most severe Russian attacks occurred after Jaishankar’s trip to Kyiv. As a rising power with aspirations for a U.N. Security Council seat, India continues to prioritize open channels, aiming to serve as a facilitator for humanitarian and economic arrangements.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi greets Russian President Vladimir Putin at Hyderabad House in New Delhi, India, Dec. 5, 2025.
